Crisis? What crisis? The tragic consequences of Mbeki's 'do-nothingism'
Last Saturday afternoon, on the tarmac of Harare International
Airport, the presidency of Thabo Mbeki hit its lowest ebb. The image
of Mbeki holding hands with Robert Mugabe published alongside the
headline "Crisis? What crisis?" destroyed whatever credibility Mbeki
still held as the chief proponent of an African Renaissance.
Yesterday, Mbeki did it again. When he was asked about the 77 ton
shipload of Chinese weapons in the Durban Harbour destined for
Zimbabwe, he replied: "What weapons? I think you should ask the
Chinese. There might be a consignment of coal that is being exported
to the Congo or something. It is a port, those weapons would have had
nothing to do with South Africa."
His response to the Zimbabwe crisis typifies the denialism and
'do-nothingism' that has become the hallmark of his Presidency. It
echoes his now infamous denial of the Aids pandemic and his response
to the growing narcotics crisis in South Africa. "What is Tik?" he
asked at an imbizo last year.
It also reflects his view on crime, which many South Africans regard
as the biggest crisis of all. "Nobody can prove," said Mbeki, "that
the majority of the country's 40 to 50 million citizens think that
crime is spinning out of control". Similarly, in 2006, when challenged
about South Africa's electricity generation capacity, he responded
"There is no crisis….whatever needs to be done…is being done".
Mbeki's capacity for denial is his greatest failing as a leader, and
it will define his legacy. It is an even greater failing than the
other hallmark of his Presidency, the growth of racial nationalism.
Denialism will eclipse his considerable contributions in the arena of
macro-economic policy.
Mbeki's instinct is to deny a problem and do nothing, until he is
forced to apply retrospective crisis management. His insistence that a
"normal electoral process" has been followed in Zimbabwe, is a classic
example of this pattern.
There is nothing "normal" about the "recount" due to take place in 23
constituencies tomorrow, when the results of the original count have
not been released. Does anybody in their right mind believe that the
"recount" will not be used as an opportunity to stuff ballot boxes
with votes for Mugabe in the names of some of the estimated 3 million
"ghost names" on the voters roll?
At the UN Security Council on Wednesday, Mbeki dodged the Zimbabwe
question until he was pressed on the issue. He then simply repeated
his assurance that the situation was manageable.
Yesterday, instead of moving swiftly to halt the transport of the
Chinese arms through South Africa en route to Zimbabwe, Mbeki's
Cabinet did nothing. This was because, in the words of Cabinet
Secretary Themba Maseko, we have to "tread very carefully" in
relations with our neighbour.
Why? For fear of upsetting Robert Mugabe, who is no doubt preparing
for the next phase of the intimidation campaign he is already waging
against opposition supporters as he tries to force a presidential
run-off election?
Transporting the arms across South African territory to Zimbabwe is
illegal under certain circumstances. In terms of the National
Conventional Arms Control Act, anyone who conveys, freights or
transfers weapons is required to apply for a conveyance permit that
can only be granted only by the National Conventional Arms Control
Committee (NCACC) after consideration of how those weapons will be
used.
The law clearly states that the NCACC must not allow the transfer of
arms to governments that suppress human rights. It prohibits the
conveyance of weapons to countries where the weapons are likely to
escalate conflict and endanger peace. Zimbabwe fits the bill on both
counts.
It is encouraging that the South African Transport and Allied Workers
Union is reportedly refusing to off-load or transport the weapons
cargo. The DA has today called on the Chairperson of the NCACC, Sydney
Mufamadi, to immediately suspend the permit and to explain how it was
granted in the first place.
If neither Mufamadi nor Mbeki intervene, they could be complicit in
state-sponsored terror of genocidal proportions. It is worth
remembering that it was a consignment of Chinese machetes that
prefaced the killing of 800,000 people in Rwanda in 1994. [1]
The mind boggles when one considers the damage that could be done with
the consignment of rocket launchers, grenades and semi-automatic
weapons that are sitting in the Durban harbour.
Mbeki's denial and do-nothingism infects government office-bearers
across the board. When I was in New York last week, I met with our
Ambassador to the United Nations, Dumisani Kumalo. I urged him to use
South Africa's position as rotational Chair of the Security Council to
address the crisis in Zimbabwe.
It was clear from our interview that, true to the President's policy,
Kumalo had no intention of putting Zimbabwe on the agenda. He called
it an "internal matter" – despite the devastating implications the
Zimbabwe crisis has for the whole sub-continent. He told me he was
unable to influence the agenda of the Security Council. In fact, the
truth seems to be somewhat different. South Africa has, in fact,
resisted calls by numerous countries to raise the topic; it was only
after the intervention of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon that
Zimbabwe was put up for discussion.
Mbeki's denialism is a flaw of tragic proportions, and its cost to the
region and South Africa is incalculable. If he had faced the grim
reality of the AIDS pandemic from the outset, millions of lives could
have been saved. If he had recognized and confronted the reality of
the emerging dictatorship in Zimbabwe, he could have played a role in
preventing the systematic abuse of human rights which has seen
thousands beaten up and murdered.
President Mbeki has forfeited his carefully honed legacy as the chief
proponent of the African Renaissance. Rather than the statesman who
advanced good governance and democratic practice in Africa, he will be
remembered as Mugabe's junior partner – the Mussolini to Mugabe's
Hitler – in the brutal oppression of the people of Zimbabwe.
It is ironic that Mbeki's actions – or lack of action – feed the
negative stereotype of Africa that he has sought to dispel. The damage
done to South Africa's international image as an emerging viable
democracy will take years to reverse.
This, the lowest ebb of Mbeki's tenure, will be long remembered. Those
hands clasped across the tarmac, and the denial and do-nothingism they
symbolise, will remain the defining image of Thabo Mbeki's Presidency.
Best Wishes
[1] NEW YORK TIMES : "The Genocide Next Door", 6 April 2004
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